Changing conceptions of violence: the impact of domestic violence legislation in The Caribbean

AuthorTracy S. Robinson
PositionLecturer in Law, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados
Pages113-135
CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF VIOLENCE:
THE IMPACT OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
LEGISLATION IN THE CARIBBEAN
TRACY S. ROBINSON*
Introduction
"...[L]aw is 'not only practice and process but also discourse, code, and
communication.' Because it is the text in which some West Indian people crafted
their societies, it reveals lawmakers' assumptions and decisions about social order,
the nature of humankind, and the different natures of men and women."
At the heart of the public conversation about domestic violence is the
significance
of abusive behaviour when it occurs in family and intimate settings. The
language and interpretation of law has been a voice of considerable force in that
debate. The abuse suffered primarily by women and children in the family and
intimate relationships has been generally invisible in law it was labelled a private
matter, best addressed by the family and inappropriate for legal resolution.2 The
ruling of a trial judge in Jamaica in a petition for divorce provides a good
illustration. He refused to grant a divorce on the ground of cruelty to a woman who
had on a number of occasions been punched, hit, kicked and boxed by her
husband. In his view, the incidents did not go beyond the fair wear and tear one
would reasonably expect in a marriage.3
The law's failure to adequately protect the victims of domestic violence
reinforced and reflected what has been described as the 'tolerant cultural support'4
in the Caribbean for the conduct. The violence is said to be a prominent feature of
Lecturer in Law, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados.
1 Mindie Lazarus-Black,
Legitimate
Acts and Illegal
Encounters:
Law and
Society
in Antigua and
Barbuda (1994) at 9.
2 An example of this sentiment is Mr. L Tull's statement in the House of Assembly Debates
on the Barbados Domestic Violence (Protection Orders) Bill that "You cannot have the
Government going into people's bedrooms": House of Assembly Debates, 12 March 1991 at
163.
3 Fortunately, the Court of Appeal overturned this decision, pointing out that the direct
physical violence in the case was of
a
fairly extreme nature. See Llewelyn v. Lewelyn (1978)
27 W.I.R. 188.
4 Danns and Parsad, Domestic Violence and Marital Relationships in the Caribbean: A Guyana
Case Study (1989) at 99.
all types of intimate relationships in the Caribbean.5 A new
study
suggests that as
many as one in every three women in Trinidad and Tobago has experienced
domestic violence.6 Suzanne La Font in her study of the Kingston Family Courts
concluded that physical abuse in intimate relationships was almost institutionalised
in Jamaica, to the extent that some women took it for granted.7
Many Commonwealth Caribbean countries8 have since 1991 passed legislation
aimed at pro to viding inexpensive and speedy relief in the lower courts for the
victims of domestic violence. The new legislation, a victory for feminists throughout
the Caribbean, is the most important family law reform effort in the region in the
1990s, The law now affords victims some autonomy notoriously absent in the
criminal process, in protecting themselves from the violence. An application can
be made for an order i) prohibiting the abuser from molesting or abusing him or
her, ii) excluding the abuser from the home or other premises, or iii) giving the
abused person a right to live in the home. The first two are generally referred to
under the new legislation as protection orders, and the latter is also described in
5 Danns and Parsad, ibid. at 77.
6 This figure is based on data gathered in 1990 from the Halfway House in Gasparillo in
Trinidad (Women, Family and Family Violence in the Caribbean: The Historical and
Contemporary Experience with Special Reference to Trinidad and Tobago (1994) at 59
(prepared for the Caricom Secretariat for International Year of the Family by University of
the West Indies, Women and Development Studies Group and Centre for Gender and
Development Studies, St. Augustine)).
7 S. LaFont, The Emergence of an Afro-Caribbean Legal Tradition: Gender Relations and
Family Courts in Kingston, Jamaica (1996) at 74, 114. The women interviewed in a Kingston
community and at the Kingston Family Court by La Font on average thought that
approximately
71%
of Jamaican men beat their women; the men said that they thought 56%
of men beat their women (ibid.).
8 The Commonwealth Caribbean consists of the following territories: Anguilla, Antigua
and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands,
Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Christopher'Nevis, St. Lucia, St.
Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago and Turks and Caicos Islands. The
following domestic violence legislation has been passed in the Caribbean: The Bahamas
Sexual Offence and Domestic Violence Act
1991;
Barbados Domestic Violence (Protection
Orders) Act 1992, Cap 130A; Belize Domestic Violence Act 1992; Bermuda Domestic
Violence (Protection Orders) Act 1997; British Virgin Islands Domestic Violence
(Summary Proceedings) Act 1992; Cayman Islands Summary Jurisdiction (Domestic
Violence) Law 1992; Guyana Domestic Violence Act 1996; Jamaica Domestic Violence Act
1995;
St. Lucia Domestic Violence (Summary Proceedings) Act 1995; St. Vincent and the
Grenadines Domestic Violence (Summary Proceedings) Act 1995; Trinidad and Tobago
Domestic Violence Act
1991.
These statutes will be hereinafter referred to in the footnotes
by the name of the jurisdiction.

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